By R. Gerald Hughes
This well-researched e-book info the anomaly in British coverage in the direction of Europe within the chilly struggle because it sought to pursue d?tente with the Soviet Union while upholding its commitments to its NATO allies. From the early Fifties, Britain pursued a twin coverage of strengthening the West when looking d?tente with the Soviet Union. British statesmen learned that merely via compromise with Moscow over the German query may perhaps the elusive East-West be accomplished. by contrast, the West German demanding line in the direction of the East (endorsed by means of the USA) used to be visible by way of the British as perpetuating pressure among the 2 blocs. This forged British coverage onto an insoluble drawback, because it used to be stuck among its alliance tasks to the West German country and its look for compromise with the Soviet bloc. Charting Britain's makes an attempt to reconcile this contradiction, this booklet argues that Britain effectively tailored to the recent realities and made hitherto unknown contributions in the direction of d?tente within the early Sixties, when drawing in the direction of Western Europe and making use of for club of the EEC in 1961. Drawing on unpublished US and united kingdom data, Britain, Germany and the chilly warfare casts new gentle at the chilly battle, the background of d?tente and the evolution of ecu integration. This e-book will attract scholars of chilly conflict historical past, British international coverage, German politics, and foreign historical past.
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Additional info for Britain, Germany and the Cold War: The Search for a European Détente 1949-1967 (Cold War History)
188 An enraged Molotov declared: ‘The German militarists and revengeseekers . . ’189 But the West was not listening. The Paris Agreements ended the Allied occupation regime, made West Germany a full member of NATO and created the Western European Union (WEU). Article seven of the agreements also specified that a ‘significant goal’ of Western policy remained ‘a settlement for the whole of Germany freely entered into by Germany and its former opponents . . 190 On 11 May 1955, Adenauer declared: ‘We are now part of the strongest alliance in history.
By such strategies, Adenauer sought to ensure that there was nothing in the Soviet stance that could be seized upon for the negotiation of a peace treaty, whose permanent provisions could only be worse than the ‘limbo’ legal status that existed in 1952. While British High Commissioner Sir Ivone Kirkpatrick believed that Adenauer had developed a ‘Versailles complex’,79 it was undeniable that the Chancellor had managed to wedge his republic between the Potsdam signatories. Paradoxically, while the Cold War caused the division of Germany it also saved Germany from the punitive peace, a ‘Super Versailles’, which the Potsdam Agreement of 1945 had seemed to portend.
71 The Western purpose in this strategy was two-fold. First, it recognised West German sensibilities by removing any perceived rival as legitimate successor state to the German Reich. Second, it would guard against Germany reuniting in a neutral guise and thereby denying the West of the resources of the three Western zones of occupation. 72 Paradoxically, cementing these two strands together was an undertaking to support Bonn’s efforts at reunification. 73 This was to accept the West German claim of Alleinvertretungsrecht (right of sole representation) as laid out in the Grundgesetz (Basic Law) of the Federal Republic.